Aoun: The Missing Link
“We are going to hold the show even if there’s an Israeli assault on the Biel.”
Ziad
Rahbani
Tit for tat. They had their demonstration so we’ll have ours. Or we’ll have our own ego trip is more like it. It’s that simple. That is the sum total of today’s downtown bazaar. Yes, I call this one a bazaar too, only perhaps a more drab one than that of the other camp.
Whereas in the first Cedar Revolution the sexual tension had been quite tangible, passes being made, smiles being exchanged, flesh rubbing against tattooed flesh, I assumed that here things would be quite prim and conservative, given the socio-political inclinations of many of the participants. I mean, we were definitely not going to find condoms sprawling on the ground in Martyrs’ Square at midnight, I supposed, until someone pointed out that given a few days they would probably start contracting mut’aa marriages. I have the grace not to mention the street vendors peddling turmos, nara for argileh, and the like.
On a less amusing note, let us go back a fortnight in time. When the Security Council voted on the subject of the International Tribunal, two member states were thought to be lukewarm on the subject, namely Qatar and Russia. Why?
Qatar, because as the only Arab country currently on the council it did not want to be seen as supporting a Tribunal seen as being aimed against a fellow Arab state, Syria, and Russia, the weightier player, for two reasons. First, because, Syria being its leading ally in the Middle East, it wants to cover the Syrian regime’s tracks. And secondly, because such a tribunal might set a dangerous precedent given its own grisly record vis-à-vis assassinations, not only in Chechnya but also regarding more recent deaths such as those of journalist Anna Politkovskaya and secret agent Alexander Litvinenko. This last analysis, while widely talked about, was confirmed to me by a professor of Political Science at LAU who shall remain nameless.
Well there we have it. Crowds of people protesting against Saad Hariri in the downtown that his father built for them (well maybe it was aimed at the rich but it was a farsighted investment for the whole country), agents provocateurs- taboor khamis is the appropriate lingo I believe-shooting innocent bystanders from upper windows (or was it rooftops?) and the rabble’s media outlets using the poor man’s death to recycle their cheap political capital.
When I call them “rabble” I am not passing judgment on these people on class grounds but simply because most of them do not and will not think for themselves. They are there because they were told, or rather brainwashed to be there.
The dogmatic and comprehensivist approach that Hezbollah takes to almost all issues is contrary to the basic modern liberal ideas of openness, tolerance, pluralism, in short, it is in essence contrary to freedom, that ray of light without which Lebanon would be an overcast wasteland
Furthermore, it causes many people to misunderstand and deride the Shiá, causing, causing the public and the media that this is a historic sect with a proud past. There are a growing number of voices among the Shiá intelligentsia (e.g. Mona Fayyad, Jihad Zein) and even some Ulama who are growing increasingly vocal in their opposition to the hijacking of our sect’s decision by a single party.
The fact is it’s a choice. What do we want Lebanon to be? Do we want to map our way via Damascus and Tehran or via Paris and Washington? I disagree with what some believe that the road through Washington necessarily leads to Tel Aviv. Apart from such purblind neocons as outgoing US Ambassador to the UN John Bolton, much of the American establishment now sees that a peace treaty between Lebanon and Israel is not a possibility in the foreseeable future.
In such a case, would it not make sense to return to the Armistice agreement of 1949? Why did the Southern border witness so little action between 1949 and 1969? Because Lebanon wisely (some would say treasonably) stayed out of the conflict.
Why did President Nasser of Egypt see fit to browbeat Lebanon’s feeble Helou administration into accepting the armed Palestinian presence?
Because he saw that Lebanon was the weak link in the Arab chain, and could conveniently be taken advantage of.
In response the Maronite militias began to arm and within six years the Paris of the East had become the Stalingrad of the East, from being a toast of hope to a toast of nostalgia.
As Dr Marwan Iskandar said in his article entitled “The Other Voice”, published in An Nahar last October, “Lebanon has given forty years of its life to the Palestinian cause. Enough is enough.”
Why not declare Lebanon a neutral country, as the late Raymond Edde advocated? Why should we see that as contradicting Lebanon’s Arab identity? That identity is enshrined in the constitution, besides the fact is that Lebanon is a member of the Arab League and Arabic is the official language. That is what embodies Lebanon’s Arab identity, not continuing to flog a dead horse for the sake of the Golan and the harebrained schemes of Ahmadinajad, who has been compared by many to George W. Bush in his manner of policymaking and execution.
(Note: for a further discussion of the Lebanese dilemma and what sort of treatment I believe it needs see my next article coming in the next couple of days)
One hears chilling stories about neighbors in places like Barbour who used to play backgammon and smoke argileh getting into fistfights. Why? Because one family is Sunni and the other Shiá. Not Muslim and Christian. Sunni and Shiá. Because if there is another war, which is possible if not probable, it’ll be between Sunni and Shiá. Does the word “Iraq” ring a bell?
Where do the provocateurs come from? Need one pose that question? The big sister of course, ever present and ready to shower us with devoted care. The Palestinian camps, belts of misery, provide droves of potential troublemakers, fueled on by decades of poverty and humiliation.
The news of LF elements training in the Kesrawan, true or not, is not an encouraging item of news in itself.
General Michel Suleiman’s statement that the situation is not parallel to that of 1975 is a pile of rubbish. I think they’re eerily alike.
Once again the most volatile fault line is the Southern Suburbs, Dahiyeh/Ayn Er Remmaneh. Both are underprivileged low income suburbs, one Shiá, one Maronite. It has already seen a number of tremors. That is not to say there will be another Ayn er Remmaneh Bus incident anytime soon, but it is worth noting. It is these young bloods who will staff any future militias, not the bourgeois youths of Ashrafieh and Verdun.
Dahiyeh was not always an exclusively Shiite area. It once had a sizeable Christian community, and was the birthplace of Michel Aoun, whereas the second was the childhood home of Samir Geagea. The two men of war turned politicians are now at loggerheads with each other, as they were during the 1990 War of Elimination, again manipulated by Syria.
This grand irony aside, one cannot help remembering the seemingly clairvoyant words of the late Georges Hawi, who said that either Geagea’s release from prison or Aoun’s return from exile was good but the two combined would not be advisable for they would soon be at odds again, given the fact that the Lebanese stage is too small for two such prima donnas. He could not have been more prescient. Many predicted that would happen though, and this was probably the calculation of our cherished brethren when they made their infamous “deal” with Mon Generale vis-à-vis his return. To give their client axis nationwide legitimacy, they need a Christian partner. Aoun, in his mania for the presidency, is the Missing Link in this chain of events. No pun intended.
The final question is the following: With their ongoing carnival in the downtown, Israel, whose destruction they claim their mantra, is seeking to take advantage of the situation. Do they not realize that if they persist in this farce, they are not only obstructing progress and the normal evolution of things, but playing into the hands of our historic enemy?
Wednesday, December 6, 2006
Saturday, November 25, 2006
Sweet November: Memoirs of a Beirut Fall - Part 1
Sweet November: Memoirs of A Beirut Fall
There we were all over again. There was a supreme sense of deja vue. Or, should I say, a benighted sense of deja vue.
The crowds in Martyrs’ Square, the Place de la Liberte, the flags fluttering, children carrying placards, and gorgeous, buxom girls literally belly dancing to the sound of patriotic music.
It was the Beirut Spring revisited. But this time it was a Beirut Fall. As summed up by Charles Malik Jr., grandson of Lebanon’s most illustrious diplomat, on one of our national blogs, it’s basically a devastating summer war, followed by anger and depression, and then this outpouring of emotion over the assassination of one of Lebanon’s most charismatic young politicians. It was the Independence Intifada revisited, but now by a people in a mood of anger, bitterness, and sheer hopelessness at the relentless cycle of bloodletting on Lebanon’s soil.
There were a number of amusing sights and sounds. Some filled you with confidence in your country; others made your hair stand on end. Having collected the hutafat, or slogans, of the Cedar Revolution, I was pleasantly surprised to find a whole set of new ones, some quaint, some morbid.
When I some heard some LF Kid yelling “Nasrallah Sabrak Sabrak, Ayn er Remmaneh Abrak”, my blood ran cold.
A more pleasant sight was a watching group formed of veiled women and LF bloods coming together (yes, I kid you not) to wave a giant flag. Despite my distrust of the LF, I took part for about five minutes then continued along my way.
But what really caught my attention was the sight of a huge placard that said: Our Blood is Hariri, Our Summit is Joumblatt, Our History is Phalange, Our Inclination is LF, Pierre Lives On In Us, We Are March 14, and Enough is Enough.” It was carried, surprise, surprise, by a veiled Sunni woman from Tarik Jdide.
It was, as I told a friend, a bazaar, which is not to detract from the importance of the event. When I say that, I mean that it was full of the usual quaint street scenes, follies and inconsistencies that Lebanon so richly boasts. More importantly, it showed that despite the sheer exhaustion of the Lebanese people, the Lebanese spirit was not to be cowed by the Syrian killing machine.
Many of the speakers had words of substance to say, but the words of President Gemayel rang with truth: “A countdown has begun that will conclude with a change of president, for reform and change, and those who want reform and change must join hands with us in order to achieve it”, in a clear jab at that power mad clown General Aoun.
Although Gemayel was highly popular, he was also a controversial figure. The Phalange Party, founded by his grandfather, Sheikh Pierre Gemayel Sr., is unpopular in some circles, especially non-Christian ones, for some of its actions during the Civil War. Sheikh Pierre Jr. himself drew hostile criticism from Muslims early last year for making a public statement about “quantity and quality”.
Nevertheless, he showed great promise as an upcoming politician, and might in another generation have reached the Presidency. He had that rare combination needed to be a President of Lebanon: A strong will, charisma, integrity, intellect, and the appropriate background, for the history of the Gemayel family spans the history of modern Lebanon.
There can be little doubt that the assassination of Pierre Gemayel is being used for political purposes. Still, if this turns out to serve the interests of Lebanon, as the Hariri assassination did, then perhaps Sheikh Pierre will not have died in vain.
Perhaps the biggest turnoff in all this was the populist rhetoric, the crowd pleasing speeches used to move the people, to mobilize the masses, Sadly, we have not yet evolved beyond demagoguery.
While we are still not above being manipulated by spin and rhetoric, we at least have (hopefully) enough awareness to avoid being drawn into the quicksand of another civil war, fed by the venom of sectarian incitement. This was proven when we came out in droves last year in peaceful protests that lit TV screens in all 24 time zones. Instead of the rioting and police brutality that many feared, protesters exchanged white roses with soldiers. Let us hope to see that once more.
Finally, we are all united by a shared belief in freedom and in Lebanon’s greatness. Indeed, freedom, and those values and traditions that accompany it, are what made Lebanon great in the past. We must not allow this greatness to go to the dogs once more. Today is a Day of Reckoning, the reckoning of our posterity. If we choose to go once more down the dark path of April 1975, we will have consigned ourselves to the dustbin of history.
There we were all over again. There was a supreme sense of deja vue. Or, should I say, a benighted sense of deja vue.
The crowds in Martyrs’ Square, the Place de la Liberte, the flags fluttering, children carrying placards, and gorgeous, buxom girls literally belly dancing to the sound of patriotic music.
It was the Beirut Spring revisited. But this time it was a Beirut Fall. As summed up by Charles Malik Jr., grandson of Lebanon’s most illustrious diplomat, on one of our national blogs, it’s basically a devastating summer war, followed by anger and depression, and then this outpouring of emotion over the assassination of one of Lebanon’s most charismatic young politicians. It was the Independence Intifada revisited, but now by a people in a mood of anger, bitterness, and sheer hopelessness at the relentless cycle of bloodletting on Lebanon’s soil.
There were a number of amusing sights and sounds. Some filled you with confidence in your country; others made your hair stand on end. Having collected the hutafat, or slogans, of the Cedar Revolution, I was pleasantly surprised to find a whole set of new ones, some quaint, some morbid.
When I some heard some LF Kid yelling “Nasrallah Sabrak Sabrak, Ayn er Remmaneh Abrak”, my blood ran cold.
A more pleasant sight was a watching group formed of veiled women and LF bloods coming together (yes, I kid you not) to wave a giant flag. Despite my distrust of the LF, I took part for about five minutes then continued along my way.
But what really caught my attention was the sight of a huge placard that said: Our Blood is Hariri, Our Summit is Joumblatt, Our History is Phalange, Our Inclination is LF, Pierre Lives On In Us, We Are March 14, and Enough is Enough.” It was carried, surprise, surprise, by a veiled Sunni woman from Tarik Jdide.
It was, as I told a friend, a bazaar, which is not to detract from the importance of the event. When I say that, I mean that it was full of the usual quaint street scenes, follies and inconsistencies that Lebanon so richly boasts. More importantly, it showed that despite the sheer exhaustion of the Lebanese people, the Lebanese spirit was not to be cowed by the Syrian killing machine.
Many of the speakers had words of substance to say, but the words of President Gemayel rang with truth: “A countdown has begun that will conclude with a change of president, for reform and change, and those who want reform and change must join hands with us in order to achieve it”, in a clear jab at that power mad clown General Aoun.
Although Gemayel was highly popular, he was also a controversial figure. The Phalange Party, founded by his grandfather, Sheikh Pierre Gemayel Sr., is unpopular in some circles, especially non-Christian ones, for some of its actions during the Civil War. Sheikh Pierre Jr. himself drew hostile criticism from Muslims early last year for making a public statement about “quantity and quality”.
Nevertheless, he showed great promise as an upcoming politician, and might in another generation have reached the Presidency. He had that rare combination needed to be a President of Lebanon: A strong will, charisma, integrity, intellect, and the appropriate background, for the history of the Gemayel family spans the history of modern Lebanon.
There can be little doubt that the assassination of Pierre Gemayel is being used for political purposes. Still, if this turns out to serve the interests of Lebanon, as the Hariri assassination did, then perhaps Sheikh Pierre will not have died in vain.
Perhaps the biggest turnoff in all this was the populist rhetoric, the crowd pleasing speeches used to move the people, to mobilize the masses, Sadly, we have not yet evolved beyond demagoguery.
While we are still not above being manipulated by spin and rhetoric, we at least have (hopefully) enough awareness to avoid being drawn into the quicksand of another civil war, fed by the venom of sectarian incitement. This was proven when we came out in droves last year in peaceful protests that lit TV screens in all 24 time zones. Instead of the rioting and police brutality that many feared, protesters exchanged white roses with soldiers. Let us hope to see that once more.
Finally, we are all united by a shared belief in freedom and in Lebanon’s greatness. Indeed, freedom, and those values and traditions that accompany it, are what made Lebanon great in the past. We must not allow this greatness to go to the dogs once more. Today is a Day of Reckoning, the reckoning of our posterity. If we choose to go once more down the dark path of April 1975, we will have consigned ourselves to the dustbin of history.
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